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The French digital society: defining and measuring digital distance

ForewordIn 2021, the Digital Society Program of the National Agency for Territorial Cohesion (ANCT), launched a consultation for the production of a report on the state of the art of the French digital society. The Centre de Recherche pour l'Étude et l'Observation des Conditions de Vie (CRÉDOC) and the Centre de Recherche sur l'Education, les Apprentissages et la Didactique de l'Université de Rennes (CREAD), associated with the GIS M@rsouin, have been entrusted with the production of this report. For this first edition, the ANCT chose to focus on the definition of digital distance, the comparative analysis of its different measures, and the identification of the main associated factors.The purpose of this article is to summarize this work. A paradigm shift is needed to define digital distanceHistorical approachesInitially, as early as the 1990s, digital remoteness was defined through the prism of access to technologies ( technocentric approach), giving rise to the concept of the "digital divide", at a time when such access was still the prerogative of educated, urban and high-income individuals (Pasquier, 2022). Then, in the early 2000s, a skills-based approach was popularized, giving rise to the concept of "digital literacy", which testifies to the growing attention paid to the issue of digital technology usage. Digital inequalities between individuals are explained by a differential in appropriation and use induced by different skill levels (Erstad 2010).While these angles of approach can be useful in providing an overview of the spread of digital technologies and skills in society, they are only a partial way of analyzing the phenomenon of digital estrangement. This is all the more true in a French society that in recent years has seen a massive spread of THD Internet access as well as digital equipment and usage within the population (Crédoc, 2022). On the other hand, having access to digital tools and the necessary skills to use them correctly are necessary, but not sufficient, conditions for improving the day-to-day life of an individual or group. For digital technologies to be appropriated, the potential user must perceive a positive "meaning of use", i.e. a feeling of usefulness or identity (Pitaud and Deschamps, 2021).A new generation of studies has then focused on the differentiated capacities of individuals to benefit from these uses, questioning the existing links between digital skills, Internet use and concrete benefits.The concept of digital capability, or how to move away from a dichotomous vision of digital inequalitiesOver the last ten years, a new generation of studies has focused on the unequal potential of individuals to transform the opportunities (cultural, economic, social, political, etc.) offered by digital technologies into actual benefits (Ragnedda, 2017; Robinson et al., 2020a, 2020b). In this way, these works have reversed the traditional angle of approach, centered on lack (of access, of skills), to focus on the contribution of technologies for individuals. It is on this basis that the concept of " digital capability " has emerged. Capabilities are the set of actions that an individual has the power to implement, and the set of states that he or she can effectively achieve, in order to increase well-being and foster the power to act (Bacqué, 2013). This concept thus makes it possible to define digital remoteness beyond a dichotomous vision of digital inequalities (users/non-users; Internet users/non-Internet users). While the use of digital technologies is a priori likely to improve individual well-being, not all individuals are in a position to derive the same benefits from digital technologies. Indeed, various studies have shown that the enabling or disabling nature of digital technologies is in fact largely conditioned by people's living conditions (van Deursen and Helsper, 2015; van Deursen and van Dijk, 2014).The concept of digital capability now provides an interesting way of thinking about the definition of digital remoteness, based on people's ability to use digital technology to enhance their well-being and promote their power to act. How, then, can we explain these differentiated capabilities? And so, who in France can be considered digitally remote these days?Who in France are the most remote from digital technology, and why?The age factor: dispelling preconceived ideasAge is a variable often used to characterize digital alienation, with older people generally perceived as having the most difficulties with digital technologies, while, conversely, younger people are often seen as experts. However, age is by no means an explanatory factor in digital distance; at most, it is a descriptive factor.A generational effect among seniorsWhile many over-60s have gone online in recent years (Anderson and Kumar, 2019), one group stands out among seniors: the over-70s, who appear significantly less connected than the rest of the population. Thus, in 2022, 37% of people over 70 are not Internet users, compared with just 4% among people aged 60 to 69 (8% of the population as a whole, according to the Baromètre du numérique 2022). What's more, 71% of people aged 55 to 64 in 2012 were Internet users, whereas 97% of people in the same age bracket in 2022 were Internet users. In other words, today's "young retirees" are more connected than those 10 years ago. These figures highlight a generational effect, and there are several reasons for this. Firstly, seniors discovered the Internet late in life (Pasquier, 2022): 70% of them went online for the first time at the age of 70 (Crédoc, 2019). Some of them have therefore worked in professional sectors that do not require the use of digital technology (Facchini, 2021). The use of digital technologies has indeed increased significantly over the last ten years, while the over-70s have, as a rule, left the labor market before this generalization. What's more, the 70+ age group is the one with the highest number of people without any qualifications, who did not experience the massification of schooling in their youth. Without calling into question the existence of specific age-related difficulties, this analysis by year of birth qualifies them. It is possible that in the future, age will be less and less of a factor, as the generations who discovered digital tools at a later stage are gradually replaced.The myth of the digital nativesDespite using the Internet more intensively than their elders, digital use among young people does not guarantee expert use of these technologies (Cordier 2020). This observation runs counter to the idea that there are "digital natives", which conveys the idea that young people - born into a digital society, unlike older generations - have de facto mastered digital technologies, their codes and related uses. However, a large body of research shows that young people's digital skills and practices are differentiated, heterogeneous and, above all, unequal, insofar as they depend on very different social contexts (Hargittai and Hinnant, 2008; Livingstone, Bober and Helsper, 2005). For example, many young people, particularly those from low-income backgrounds, encounter difficulties in their use of digital technology, for example when searching for jobs online or completing administrative procedures, for a variety of reasons ranging from the cost of computer equipment to a lack of confidence in their ability to learn about and train with online tools (Deydier, 2018). Having become a commonplace disseminated by media discourses as a "concept-slogan" (Lardellier, 2017), the idea of "digital natives" constitutes a myth (Plantard, 2015a). Unfortunately, this still permeates collective imaginations, including those of young people themselves: some of them in fact incorporate the idea that they are supposed to be digital experts, provoking a sense of guilt in some of those who feel uncomfortable with digital tools (Cordier, 2015).Social background and level of education, key factors of understandingIn reality, it is impossible to identify those who are far removed from the digital world without taking social and cultural factors into account. Socio-economic category is a variable in digital inequality, which tends to show that people from modest backgrounds are more likely to be distant from the digital world. In other words, in line with the concept of digital capability (see above), people from privileged backgrounds are more likely to derive tangible benefits from their use of digital technologies.To explain digital distance even more precisely, other recent studies show a clear correlation between a low level of appropriation of digital technologies and a low level of cultural capital among individuals. Since the 2000s, as part of the massification of access to higher education, we have witnessed the emergence of a group of people, particularly from modest backgrounds, who have a level of university certification but are unable to find a job that corresponds to this certification. The consequence is the emergence, within modest categories, of publics sharing the same social background but differing in terms of diploma level (and therefore accumulation of cultural capital). In this context, studies have highlighted the existence of major differences in the appropriation of digital tools and practices, even within low-income groups, between individuals with diplomas and those with few or no diplomas, the latter being more marked by a digital estrangement. These studies demonstrate the central role played by people's cultural capital in terms of digital inequalities. The results of the Digital Barometer (2022) support these analyses: people with no qualifications are much less likely to be Internet users than those with at least the equivalent of a baccalaureate. The proportion of non-Internet users among the former is almost 40%, and less than 10% among the latter (and even 2% for university graduates). In short, while the interrelationship between the various factors mentioned suggests that they are often interdependent, the level of education (and, more broadly, cultural capital) appears to be a predominant factor in identifying and explaining digital distance within the French population.Socially situated digital practicesIn addition to the fact that individuals from the most advantaged social positions in society generally benefit from better quality access to digital resources, they also have a more diversified repertoire of practices (cf. educational, professional contexts, etc.) than individuals from modest backgrounds, who are more likely to use digital resources more for entertainment purposes. Moreover, the place of the written word is a determining factor in the different ways in which digital technologies are used. Indeed, low-income groups, particularly those with no formal education, distance themselves from the written word and devalue this form of exchange in favor of face-to-face interaction, even going so far as to adopt practices that circumvent the use of the written word. As a result, the digitization of administrative procedures exposes these low-income families to complex digital practices, which can exacerbate the phenomenon of non-use of the law in these environments if no alternative is offered to the digital channel.A third of the French population is not digitally literate these daysHow do you quantify digital distance?Three survey systems have been used to quantify digital remoteness in France: Insee's household survey on the use of information and communication technologies, the Capacity and Capuni surveys conducted by the GIS M@rsouin, and the Digital Barometer commissioned by the French regulatory authority for electronic communications, post and press distribution (Arcep), the Conseil général de l'économie (CGE) and, more recently, the Autorité de régulation de la communication audiovisuelle et numérique (Arcom). Conceived independently, these three surveys are based on sometimes divergent methodological biases, and offer different measures of digital remoteness. However, three main categories of indicator emerge from these surveys to measure digital distance: equipment (physical distance to digital), usage and skills. Each has a number of limitations. With regard to the equipment approach, analysis of the most recent surveys highlights the ubiquity of equipment, including Internet connections, in French society. This widespread availability limits the interest in focusing on the issue of distance from the digital world through this prism (even if difficulties of access to equipment are clearly a brake on digital practices). The usage-based approach, on the other hand, is hampered by the rapid evolution of usage possibilities as a result of the spread of new technologies, as demonstrated by the adoption of instant messaging on cell phones and video calls in recent years. Finally, the skills-based approach is traditionally based on a restrictive logic of digital distance, associated with well-defined nomenclatures that sometimes lack nuance.An alternative approach, capable of overcoming these limitations, would be to question subjective variables. For example, an individual's declared sense of competence would provide the basis for a much broader vision of the quantification of digital remoteness.Proposal to update the number of digital outsidersIn order to reflect the diversity of situations and practices, a two-stage approach to quantifying digital remoteness may be considered:In terms of usage, not being an Internet user is the primary measure of distance from the digital world. The latest edition of the Digital Barometer (2022) provides an update on this measure: 8.8% of the population aged 18 and over are currently non-Internet users in France (i.e. 4.5 million people).Next, it is proposed to use an indicator based on the ease felt in carrying out digital tasks to construct one or more groups of Internet users who are more or less distant from digital technology. This subjective measure makes it possible to describe the difficulties faced by certain populations, even though they use digital tools. In 2022, according to data from the Digital Barometer, 22.9% of Internet users (or 11.5 million people) would not feel competent in using the Internet.According to this broad approach to digital distance, 31.5% of the population aged 18 and over living in mainland France (or 16 million people) are currently digitally isolated.Digital distance, a social phenomenonAs we have just seen, while there are several definitions of digital remoteness, each representing a different dimension of the phenomenon, it is important to move away from any binary vision of inclusion and exclusion, which has the major drawback of making the diversity of situations and practices invisible. In this respect, the concept of digital capabilities (see above) is enlightening, as it focuses on the ability of individuals to benefit from digital technologies. Moreover, this vision, which is better able to take into account the contexts in which the various forms of digital remoteness take place, enables us to put the issue of digital inclusion back on its social footing, since the enabling or disabling nature of digital technologies is in reality largely conditioned by people's living conditions. In particular, we need to take better account of people's cultural capital (particularly their level of education) and digital capital, which analysis shows to be central both to their relationship with technology and to the development of differentiated digital practices. With this in mind, it is also important to relativize the relevance of an overly general assessment of the number of people who have lost touch with the digital world. In fact, rather than looking for a precise figure for the number of digital outsiders, which seems meaningless, it would be preferable to represent the phenomenon in the form of a halo, enabling us to consider individuals as more or less remote from the digital world, depending on their subjective needs and expectations.Thus, digital distance can no longer be considered as a simple technical or quantitative issue : it is primarily a social phenomenon. Taking this phenomenon into account in its complexity and heterogeneity opens up important perspectives for the construction of digital inclusion policies that are differentiated according to the public and the territories.

• Inclusion

• Large surveys

Published on 26/04/23



French digital society: digital mediation professionals face the challenge of digital remoteness

ForewordIn 2021, the Digital Society Program of the French National Agency for Territorial Cohesion (ANCT), has launched a consultation for the production of a series of studies on the state of the art of the French digital society. It is within this framework that the Centre de recherche pour l'étude et l'observation des conditions de vie (CREDOC) and the Centre de recherche sur l'éducation, les apprentissages et la didactique (CREAD), associated with the GIS M@rsouin, are carrying out a diagnostic and analytical work that is giving rise to a series of thematic reports. The first edition, published in April 2023, focused on defining and measuring the phenomenon of digital distance. The second edition of this series of studies follows on from the first, focusing on professionals in the digital meditation sector. This article presents a summary of the latest study.To quote the study :ANCT, CREDOC, Université Rennes 2 CREAD-M@rsouin, La société numérique française: les professionnels de la médiation numérique au défi de l'éloignement numérique, 2025. Study documents Growing need for digital support for the populationThe rise of digital technologies has brought about a major transformation of activities and processes in our societies over the last twenty years. The persistence of socionumeric inequalities despite the massive spread of digital infrastructures and equipment, and the presence of highly heterogeneous digital practices within the French population, have been strongly highlighted by the progressive digitization of all activities and processes in everyday life. Since the late 1990s, this observation has been accompanied by the introduction of various subsidized employment schemes: "youth jobs" at the end of the 1990s, then the "2,000 jobs for the future in digital public spaces" program in 2012, and more recently the "Digital Advisors" scheme, announced in November 2020, based on the recruitment and training of 4,000 digital mediators in a wide variety of structures (public and private). These successive initiatives reflect a response to the population's growing need for digital support, and have also contributed to a gradual and sometimes imprecise redefinition of the missions assigned to digital mediators, in a context of ongoing professionalization.Digital mediation for the appropriation of technologies and the acquisition of a digital cultureA professional field rooted in popular educationDigital mediation, like other forms of mediation linked to adult education, has a strong link with popular education, which is concerned with civil and civic training. It is within the framework of popular education that mediation applied to the field of digital technologies has developed, advocating the dissemination of a technical culture defined as a minimum of knowledge and know-how enabling individuals to "reappropriate" technologies. The aim is to positively influence the appropriation of technologies by different audiences (i.e., the process by which an individual integrates a technical device into his or her practice, adapting it to his or her culture, needs and values), and thus enable their empowerment by taking into account the contexts of use as well as the socio-cultural characteristics of individuals.There are professionals specifically trained and qualified as "mediators", for whom mediation is their core business and expertise, while other professionals (or even volunteers) engage in mediation activities with no real specific skills in terms of their initial training, and which are just another activity in their daily lives.The current digital mediation landscapeIn this context of multifaceted digital mediation and mosaics of players, ANCT's Digital Society Program plays a central role in identifying digital mediation professionals and venues. Based on its collaborative mapping work, 13,203 digital mediation venues were listed in November 2024, mostly in mainland France, with strong regional differences: the regions of Nouvelle-Aquitaine, Hauts-de-France, Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes and, within the overseas departments, Réunion and Guadeloupe, have the highest number of digital mediation venues per inhabitant. Interestingly, 80% of the French population has at least one professional digital mediation center in or near their commune (67% of French metropolitans have a mediation center in their own commune, 13% can reach a mediation center in less than seven minutes by road). However, 20% have to drive 7 minutes or more to get there. Non-internet users, in particular, are more likely to live some distance from these services, with only 51% having local access. The analysis carried out on the basis of cartography does not include locations providing assistance exclusively in completing administrative procedures online. Indeed, while these places can help identify and direct people in difficulty towards digital mediation services, the help they provide is not part of a process of appropriating digital technologies.Digital mediation: a test of professionalismThe dematerialization of administrative procedures at the crossroads of several professional groupsThe dematerialization (or digitization) of administrative procedures has established itself as a new public service standard (the "Action publique 2022" plan aimed to dematerialize all administrative procedures by 2022). In cases where this digitization has replaced other channels of access to the administration (counter, postal service, telephone line), it implies an "obligation of connectivity" for citizens in the context of the administrative relationship. While the digitized relationship with the administration and public services has simplified procedures for certain sections of the public, it has not benefited all categories of the population, confronting some of them with complex digital and, above all, administrative practices, which can go so far as to fuel the phenomenon of non-use of rights. It is also interesting to note that the process of dematerializing administrative procedures has helped to blur the boundaries between professional groups: digital mediators, social workers and administrative mediators.Impact on digital mediatorsIn order to meet the growing demand for support in digital administrative relations, often characterized by the social urgency of applicants, digital mediators are sometimes obliged to provide administrative support, the nature and volume of which vary according to the audience and location. As a result, many digital mediators are confronted with administrative procedures for which they are not trained, have no specific resources at their disposal, and have no contacts in public administrations. This situation, marked by a certain vagueness, sometimes leads them to do things "in the place" of the people they assist, for want of anything else to do, to the detriment of the emancipatory approach inherent in digital mediation. In this respect, requests to digital mediators for support in carrying out administrative procedures online generally constitute a " test of professionalism " for the latter, by putting into tension what they consider they should be doing and what they are actually doing.Impact on social workersThe dematerialization of the relationship with the administration for access to social rights is also leading to a reconfiguration of social work. Some social workers see dematerialization as a source of problems not only for their beneficiaries, but also for themselves, by causing both a de-skilling of their social mediation missions and an additional workload. In this respect, the unease expressed by social workers is reinforced by the fact that, like digital mediators, they often have to act in the absence of a clear mandate. Some studies show that not all professionals in the social sector are involved in digital support, and some exclude digital uses from their field of intervention. These professional postures depend on contextual variables such as working conditions and workload, and individual variables relating to their levels of digital competence, as well as their conception of the profession.Impact on administrative mediatorsAdministrative mediators, often represented by reception staff at shared access points to public services such as Espace France Services, are now directly involved in helping people complete administrative procedures, particularly online. This type of administrative mediation seems to be evolving from a reception and guidance function to one of assisting users with their online procedures, once again confronting professionals with a reconfiguration of their activity. In contrast to digital mediators and social workers, this change seems to be viewed positively by the administrative staff concerned, as a "revalorization of counter work" that has traditionally been depreciated. Invested with an institutionally-recognized mission to assist with administrative procedures, and insofar as they benefit from training that enables them to familiarize themselves with administrative procedures and interfaces, access point agents are much better equipped and trained than digital mediators or social workers to help people with their administrative procedures. They can also interact more easily with the various organizations concerned, thanks to privileged access. What's more, these administrative mediation professionals are also more familiar with existing solutions for dealing with the ethical and legal issues involved in supporting online administrative procedures (privacy, consent and establishing responsibilities).A necessary link between digital mediation and administrative mediationBy disintermediating the citizen-administration relationship, the digitization of administrative procedures requires not only physical access to the Internet and certain technical skills, but also, and above all, a mastery of language, writing and, more broadly, administrative procedures. Thus, in this context, the subject of access to rights relies on a "practical sense of administration", i.e. on a set of administrative skills that are not initially linked to digital technology (identifying the right contact, translating one's situation into administrative categories, identifying the status of documents, reporting a possible problem, etc.). What's more, according to the Baromètre du numérique 2022, it's interesting to note that one in two French people claim to experience difficulties in carrying out online procedures. This high proportion suggests that we need to think about the impact of dematerializing administrative procedures beyond the technological question, in relation to people's digital skills. However, this does not rule out the possibility that dematerialization may confront certain sections of the public with complex digital practices.In line with the above-mentioned professional reconfigurations, these factors suggest that support for online administrative procedures should be based on the right balance between digital mediation and administrative mediation. The complementary nature of the work carried out by these professionals appears to be a key factor in avoiding the burden and responsibility for the smooth running of administrative procedures being shifted onto individuals.State of knowledge of digital mediation facilitiesWhatever the difficulty encountered, whether digital and/or administrative, a majority of French people ( 52%) say they know of at least one digital mediation point. The places that are most firmly rooted in the local landscape (town halls, media libraries and libraries) are the best known. Non-internet users who are farthest from the digital world are better informed about the existence of these places than Internet users who have difficulties with the digital world, probably due to their socio-demographic profile and greater dependence on Internet access points. Geographical proximity to a place of digital mediation influences not only knowledge but also the diversity of the types of places known. Living in a commune where there is a digital mediation center boosts awareness of the various places where digital help can be obtained, and encourages people to perceive personal assistance in a dedicated place as a solution when digital difficulties arise. For Internet users who feel they have not fully mastered the digital world, living in a commune with a digital mediation center encourages the identification of personal support or a group course as the most suitable way to improve their mastery of digital tools.Enabling environments to support professional development in digital mediationA professional sector to be structuredAgainst a backdrop of digitization of society and persistent digital inequalities, if the job of providing support for digital uses with a view to digital and social inclusion is of prime importance, the question of support and training for digital mediation players themselves is particularly central. As Denouël and Granjon (2023) point out, "Digital mediators today need, in their initial and "lifelong" training, to acquire multidisciplinary knowledge enabling them to carry out an ever broader and more varied set of tasks that are evolving as the various spheres of activity become increasingly technologized". This need echoes the objectives formulated in the roadmap for the national digital inclusion policy 2023-2027 (France Numérique Ensemble) aimed, in particular, at structuring the industry of digital mediation players and developing training.Towards an empowering work environmentNumerous studies of adult training now tend to show that the development of skills is in fact the result of an articulation between the individual's internal resources and external resources linked to the work environment. The capability approach opens up important perspectives for understanding the way in which individuals are enabled (or not), in a given organization and work context, to seize and use the resources present in their environment and acquire new skills. The work environment can indeed foster professional development by activating a number of levers, such as :work content: by varying the activities, allowing time for reflexivity and analysis of one's practice, or offering to confront situations corresponding to the individual's zone of proximal development;the way work is organized: this can help develop skills such as cooperative practices, initiative-taking and freedom of action, the possibility of mentoring new arrivals, and participation in work groups;human resources management and training: by facilitating access to training in order to build capacity for action.Meeting the needs of digital mediators to tackle digital inequalitiesTo meet the challenge of the social phenomenon of digital remoteness, we first need to identify the specific needs of digital mediators, by working with them to identify their needs in their local areas. In particular, we need to meet the initial and lifelong training needs of these professionals, based on multi-disciplinary training that will enable them to carry out a wide and varied range of tasks. At the same time, a clarification of roles and tasks between the various mediation and social support professionals could also be envisaged. In this respect, the core business of digital mediators, rooted in popular education, is to encourage users to engage in a reflexive process of appropriating digital technologies and acquiring a digital culture. Administrative mediators, on the other hand, appear to be better equipped to provide more ad hoc assistance with online administrative relations. This differentiation should be accompanied by networking between the various players, including social workers, as they are often part of the same territorial ecosystem. Such networking would appear to be a prerequisite for the activation of capacity-building dynamics adapted to the specific features of the territory in which they operate, in the interests of local digital mediation.

• Inclusion

• Large surveys

Published on 04/03/25



Assessment and impact of the Digital Advisor system

Two national research programsA cornerstone of France's national digital inclusion policy, the Conseiller numérique system (initially called Conseiller numérique France Services) has been the subject of in itinere and ex post evaluations by national research programs, to document its deployment and assess its impact on the French population. This research complements the activity data of existing digital advisors.1) A research program on the deployment of the systemWhy a research program?In addition to filling an identified gap in the number of digital support professionals, the Digital Advisor program is based on a strong assumption of action:Its deployment in local areas will make it possible to launch, initiate or consolidate local dynamics or strategies for digital inclusion, aimed at reducing digital inequalities and increasing the digital skills of the French people.This hypothesis assumes that we see the system not as an end in itself - the deployment of 4,000 digital advisors across the country - but as a means of government action aimed at reducing digital inequalities and increasing the skills of the French, by the territories, on the territories. With this in mind, the deployment of digital advisors represents a lever available to local players, to initiate and carry through a digital inclusion strategy at local level, broadly understood as aiming to equip the French for everyday digital life, support them with administrative procedures and engage them in a process of increasing their digital skills.ObjectivesThe general aim of this research program was to describe the way in which territories take advantage of the Digital Advisor scheme to develop local strategies/policies for digital inclusion.It is based on two types of methodology:A quantitative questionnaire survey aimed at digital advisors on the one hand, and managers of employing structures on the other. The aim is to gather the views (information, perceptions, representations) of the main players in the system.A qualitative survey, using interviews and observations, in 5 territories. The aim is to answer the question in its local and territorial dimension, by adopting a comprehensive qualitative approach (documentation of the system, semi-structured interviews, monitoring of ad hoc bodies, etc.) enabling us to grasp the logics of players at local level.This research had a longitudinal dimension, in order to monitor and observe the deployment of the system over time. This article reports on the final phase of the research program. Interim results are available here.Research teamThis national research program was funded by the Digital Society program of the French National Agency for Territorial Cohesion (ANCT). It was carried out by the Askoria research center, under the scientific direction of Pierre Mazet[1] (team: Florian Pedrot[2], Jordy Stefan[3], Alice Valiergue[4]). It is also part of the Labaccès action-research program. The "Research" component of Labaccès is itself the fruit of a partnership between Ti Lab (Breton regional public innovation laboratory) and the Askoria research center.[1] Researcher in social sciences, associated with LabAcces / [2] Doctorate in sociology, member of the LabAcces program and associate researcher at Labers (Lorient/Brest) / [3] Psychologist, doctorate in social psychology, research fellow at the Askoria research center / [4] Post-doctoral researcher at the Chaire santé de Sciences Po, associate researcher at the Centre de Sociologie des Organisations (Sciences Po/CNRS).2) A research program on the impact of the systemWhy a research program?National data on French people's digital habits highlight the existence of major inequalities between citizens in their relationship with the digital world. Numerous studies, and in particular the work recently carried out for ANCT by the Centre de recherche sur l'éducation, les apprentissages et la didactique (CREAD), the Centre de Recherche pour l'Étude et l'Observation des Conditions de Vie (CREDOC) and the GIS M@rsouin, highlight the dynamics and contexts that characterize situations of digital remoteness.There are a number of measures in place to combat the digital divide, including "digital mediation" initiatives. The aim of the Conseiller Numérique program was to recruit and train 4,000 digital mediators (in this case, digital advisors) across the country, who would be responsible for offering introductory workshops and training in digital skills to French people who are far removed from the digital world.To date, we have little data or national research on the effects of mediation on reducing digital inequalities, and on increasing the skills of its audiences. That's why this research program aims to explore the effect of digital mediation on the public who benefit from it, drawing on the Digital Advisor scheme, which brings together a group of professionals within a network structured and run by ANCT. However, it is important to emphasize the diversity and richness of the field of digital mediation, which cannot be reduced to the professionals and audiences presented in this study.This study is based on a quantitative questionnaire survey questionnaire available in the ANCT database.ObjectivesFollowing on from the work carried out on digital distance, the aim of this research is to propose a renewed approach to the impact of digital mediation on audiences, by adopting a set of subjective variables that enable us to place the digital in its contexts of use (because the digital is never without an object) and to grasp what mediation changes in the relationship of audiences to the digital.The general aim of this research is to describe the profiles of the public who come to meet digital mediators, in this case digital advisors, the nature of the support they have received, but also what the support has changed in their relationship with the digital world.Several elements are being studied:The profiles of digital advisors' audiences, from the point of view of their socio-demographic characteristics as well as their uses of digital technology;The mechanisms and contexts of public recourse to the support of a digital advisor ;General information on the relationship between the public and the support services and on the subjects covered by the support services;Changes in the relationship with digital technology generated by our support services, by studying users' sense of competence.Research teamThis national research program was funded by ANCT's Société Numérique program, and carried out by Asdo études, whose research team comprised Loïcka Forzy, Marie Dubus, Julien Gaffiot and Mathilde Caro. Reports and infographics The main resultsThis article is one of the publications of the Digital Society Laboratory and, as such, includes editorial choices reflecting the positioning of this information site.Digital support everywhere, for everyoneIn less than three years, digital advisors have carried out more than 4 million accompaniments throughout France (including overseas territories). Whether on a one-to-one basis or in group workshops, the majority of these support sessions benefit the most vulnerable individuals (those with few or no qualifications, retired people, employees or jobseekers), mainly living in suburban or rural areas. Although they are no less equipped in terms of digital tools than the average French person, the beneficiaries of the digital advisors describe themselves as being very uncomfortable with digital technology. If we look at the reasons for their support, we can see that digital advisors primarily support their beneficiaries in the day-to-day use of digital tools (getting to grips with equipment, surfing the web, communicating with friends and family), but they also act as a trusted third party with whom the people they support seek reassurance regarding digital technology (second reason for support). What's more, with almost 73% of digital advisors working at several sites, this system tends to be as close as possible to people who are far removed from the digital world, as part of an " outreach" approach .Digital advisors who meet the expectations of their audiencesNearly 99% of beneficiaries surveyed felt that the help provided by digital advisors had met their expectations. In concrete terms, 93% of them now successfully complete tasks using digital technology that they were unable to do before the support, and 97% feel they have made progress. What's more, as a result of the support provided, 60% of them are more comfortable and less stressed about working with digital tools, which means that the program is helping to remove psycho-social barriers to digital use. What's more, at the end of the support program, digital technology is perceived less as a danger and a risk, and more as an opportunity by the beneficiaries.Creating a community of qualified professionalsThe Conseiller Numérique scheme is based on the mobilization of 4 ,000 digital mediation professionals, recruited and trained as part of the scheme. This is a fairly young community, averaging 37 years old, with a wide range of educational backgrounds (baccalaureate or lower, Bac + 2 and Bac +3 and higher in equal proportions), and a gender balance (49% women).It's worth noting that this is a job-creating scheme , since 83% of digital advisor positions were created. What's more, 70% of the employing organizations surveyed said they would not have recruited a digital mediator without the scheme. What's more, with almost half (48%) of digital advisors looking for work at the time of their recruitment, the scheme appears to be a lever for integration through employment.Employing structures investing in the field of digital inclusionThe 4,000 digital advisors were recruited by almost 2,900 employing structures, both in the public sector (local authorities) and the private sector (associations and social economy companies). The public structures were mainly communes (40%) and communities of communes (28%). As for private structures, they were mainly active in the fields of popular education (30%) and social support (29%).For many employing structures, the Conseiller numérique scheme has been an opportunity to invest in the field of digital inclusion (especially for public structures) or to consolidate their previous investment (especially for private structures). In this respect, 60% of the structures surveyed did not employ a digital mediator before the scheme was set up, and 70% stated that they would not have hired a digital mediator without the scheme.In this vein, the employing structures surveyed agree that the scheme has helped to meet the digital inclusion needs of their territory, or to raise awareness of the territory's/publics' digital inclusion needs. What's more, the structures report a high level of satisfaction with their digital advisor(s) in the field. Interestingly, in their view, the system has filled a gap, particularly in terms of the need for physical contacts to help them find their way around digital issues.Even though over 70% of employing structures have completely renewed their digital advisor positions, the structures surveyed indicate that long-term visibility of positions could have been more present within the system.A system that promotes local dynamics of digital inclusionThe Digital Advisor program was the subject of a call for expressions of interest (AMI) from local authorities, associations and social economy companies. In this context, observations made in the form of territorial monographs show "the emergence of territorial coordinators"to respond to the AMI. The assumption of this leadership role depended mainly on the historical involvement of local players in the field of digital inclusion, and could therefore be embodied by the Conseil départemental, the Préfecture département or, where applicable, the Métropole. In any case, by bringing about the emergence of these territorial coordinations, the Conseiller numérique scheme seems to have helped launch or reinforce the subject of digital inclusion at local level.In addition, the survey highlights the fact that"one of the remarkable aspects of the emergence of territorial coordinators is that it generates multiple sequences of multiple sequences of interest from local playersThese include identifying and mobilizing players, holding meetings, discussing the relevance of distribution, questioning local needs, using tools to objectivize local data, drafting project sheets, formalizing objectives, etc." These sequences of interest were generated by the emergence of local coordinators. The generation of these profit-sharing sequences in the territories has been a "cascading" process. In fact, the same logic of consultation can be observed at the level of communities of communes, and even within communes themselves (involvement of media libraries, social centers, etc.). In fact, the employing structures we interviewed all agreed that the program had helped to forge links between players involved in digital inclusion issues at local level.These territorial dynamics on the subject of digital inclusion, linked to the deployment of the Digital Advisor scheme, are fragile. Indeed, some territorial coordinators have left the scheme, notably for"budgetary and political" reasons, sometimes bringing with them"the disappearance of the coordination function".As part of the France Numérique Ensemble roadmap, these territorial dynamics could be consolidated with local digital inclusion authorities.

• Inclusion

• Large surveys

Published on 23/07/24