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The French digital society: defining and measuring digital distance

ForewordIn 2021, the Digital Society Program of the National Agency for Territorial Cohesion (ANCT), launched a consultation for the production of a report on the state of the art of the French digital society. The Centre de Recherche pour l'Étude et l'Observation des Conditions de Vie (CRÉDOC) and the Centre de Recherche sur l'Education, les Apprentissages et la Didactique de l'Université de Rennes (CREAD), associated with the GIS M@rsouin, have been entrusted with the production of this report. For this first edition, the ANCT chose to focus on the definition of digital distance, the comparative analysis of its different measures, and the identification of the main associated factors.The purpose of this article is to summarize this work. A paradigm shift is needed to define digital distanceHistorical approachesInitially, as early as the 1990s, digital remoteness was defined through the prism of access to technologies ( technocentric approach), giving rise to the concept of the "digital divide", at a time when such access was still the prerogative of educated, urban and high-income individuals (Pasquier, 2022). Then, in the early 2000s, a skills-based approach was popularized, giving rise to the concept of "digital literacy", which testifies to the growing attention paid to the issue of digital technology usage. Digital inequalities between individuals are explained by a differential in appropriation and use induced by different skill levels (Erstad 2010).While these angles of approach can be useful in providing an overview of the spread of digital technologies and skills in society, they are only a partial way of analyzing the phenomenon of digital estrangement. This is all the more true in a French society that in recent years has seen a massive spread of THD Internet access as well as digital equipment and usage within the population (Crédoc, 2022). On the other hand, having access to digital tools and the necessary skills to use them correctly are necessary, but not sufficient, conditions for improving the day-to-day life of an individual or group. For digital technologies to be appropriated, the potential user must perceive a positive "meaning of use", i.e. a feeling of usefulness or identity (Pitaud and Deschamps, 2021).A new generation of studies has then focused on the differentiated capacities of individuals to benefit from these uses, questioning the existing links between digital skills, Internet use and concrete benefits.The concept of digital capability, or how to move away from a dichotomous vision of digital inequalitiesOver the last ten years, a new generation of studies has focused on the unequal potential of individuals to transform the opportunities (cultural, economic, social, political, etc.) offered by digital technologies into actual benefits (Ragnedda, 2017; Robinson et al., 2020a, 2020b). In this way, these works have reversed the traditional angle of approach, centered on lack (of access, of skills), to focus on the contribution of technologies for individuals. It is on this basis that the concept of " digital capability " has emerged. Capabilities are the set of actions that an individual has the power to implement, and the set of states that he or she can effectively achieve, in order to increase well-being and foster the power to act (Bacqué, 2013). This concept thus makes it possible to define digital remoteness beyond a dichotomous vision of digital inequalities (users/non-users; Internet users/non-Internet users). While the use of digital technologies is a priori likely to improve individual well-being, not all individuals are in a position to derive the same benefits from digital technologies. Indeed, various studies have shown that the enabling or disabling nature of digital technologies is in fact largely conditioned by people's living conditions (van Deursen and Helsper, 2015; van Deursen and van Dijk, 2014).The concept of digital capability now provides an interesting way of thinking about the definition of digital remoteness, based on people's ability to use digital technology to enhance their well-being and promote their power to act. How, then, can we explain these differentiated capabilities? And so, who in France can be considered digitally remote these days?Who in France are the most remote from digital technology, and why?The age factor: dispelling preconceived ideasAge is a variable often used to characterize digital alienation, with older people generally perceived as having the most difficulties with digital technologies, while, conversely, younger people are often seen as experts. However, age is by no means an explanatory factor in digital distance; at most, it is a descriptive factor.A generational effect among seniorsWhile many over-60s have gone online in recent years (Anderson and Kumar, 2019), one group stands out among seniors: the over-70s, who appear significantly less connected than the rest of the population. Thus, in 2022, 37% of people over 70 are not Internet users, compared with just 4% among people aged 60 to 69 (8% of the population as a whole, according to the Baromètre du numérique 2022). What's more, 71% of people aged 55 to 64 in 2012 were Internet users, whereas 97% of people in the same age bracket in 2022 were Internet users. In other words, today's "young retirees" are more connected than those 10 years ago. These figures highlight a generational effect, and there are several reasons for this. Firstly, seniors discovered the Internet late in life (Pasquier, 2022): 70% of them went online for the first time at the age of 70 (Crédoc, 2019). Some of them have therefore worked in professional sectors that do not require the use of digital technology (Facchini, 2021). The use of digital technologies has indeed increased significantly over the last ten years, while the over-70s have, as a rule, left the labor market before this generalization. What's more, the 70+ age group is the one with the highest number of people without any qualifications, who did not experience the massification of schooling in their youth. Without calling into question the existence of specific age-related difficulties, this analysis by year of birth qualifies them. It is possible that in the future, age will be less and less of a factor, as the generations who discovered digital tools at a later stage are gradually replaced.The myth of the digital nativesDespite using the Internet more intensively than their elders, digital use among young people does not guarantee expert use of these technologies (Cordier 2020). This observation runs counter to the idea that there are "digital natives", which conveys the idea that young people - born into a digital society, unlike older generations - have de facto mastered digital technologies, their codes and related uses. However, a large body of research shows that young people's digital skills and practices are differentiated, heterogeneous and, above all, unequal, insofar as they depend on very different social contexts (Hargittai and Hinnant, 2008; Livingstone, Bober and Helsper, 2005). For example, many young people, particularly those from low-income backgrounds, encounter difficulties in their use of digital technology, for example when searching for jobs online or completing administrative procedures, for a variety of reasons ranging from the cost of computer equipment to a lack of confidence in their ability to learn about and train with online tools (Deydier, 2018). Having become a commonplace disseminated by media discourses as a "concept-slogan" (Lardellier, 2017), the idea of "digital natives" constitutes a myth (Plantard, 2015a). Unfortunately, this still permeates collective imaginations, including those of young people themselves: some of them in fact incorporate the idea that they are supposed to be digital experts, provoking a sense of guilt in some of those who feel uncomfortable with digital tools (Cordier, 2015).Social background and level of education, key factors of understandingIn reality, it is impossible to identify those who are far removed from the digital world without taking social and cultural factors into account. Socio-economic category is a variable in digital inequality, which tends to show that people from modest backgrounds are more likely to be distant from the digital world. In other words, in line with the concept of digital capability (see above), people from privileged backgrounds are more likely to derive tangible benefits from their use of digital technologies.To explain digital distance even more precisely, other recent studies show a clear correlation between a low level of appropriation of digital technologies and a low level of cultural capital among individuals. Since the 2000s, as part of the massification of access to higher education, we have witnessed the emergence of a group of people, particularly from modest backgrounds, who have a level of university certification but are unable to find a job that corresponds to this certification. The consequence is the emergence, within modest categories, of publics sharing the same social background but differing in terms of diploma level (and therefore accumulation of cultural capital). In this context, studies have highlighted the existence of major differences in the appropriation of digital tools and practices, even within low-income groups, between individuals with diplomas and those with few or no diplomas, the latter being more marked by a digital estrangement. These studies demonstrate the central role played by people's cultural capital in terms of digital inequalities. The results of the Digital Barometer (2022) support these analyses: people with no qualifications are much less likely to be Internet users than those with at least the equivalent of a baccalaureate. The proportion of non-Internet users among the former is almost 40%, and less than 10% among the latter (and even 2% for university graduates). In short, while the interrelationship between the various factors mentioned suggests that they are often interdependent, the level of education (and, more broadly, cultural capital) appears to be a predominant factor in identifying and explaining digital distance within the French population.Socially situated digital practicesIn addition to the fact that individuals from the most advantaged social positions in society generally benefit from better quality access to digital resources, they also have a more diversified repertoire of practices (cf. educational, professional contexts, etc.) than individuals from modest backgrounds, who are more likely to use digital resources more for entertainment purposes. Moreover, the place of the written word is a determining factor in the different ways in which digital technologies are used. Indeed, low-income groups, particularly those with no formal education, distance themselves from the written word and devalue this form of exchange in favor of face-to-face interaction, even going so far as to adopt practices that circumvent the use of the written word. As a result, the digitization of administrative procedures exposes these low-income families to complex digital practices, which can exacerbate the phenomenon of non-use of the law in these environments if no alternative is offered to the digital channel.A third of the French population is not digitally literate these daysHow do you quantify digital distance?Three survey systems have been used to quantify digital remoteness in France: Insee's household survey on the use of information and communication technologies, the Capacity and Capuni surveys conducted by the GIS M@rsouin, and the Digital Barometer commissioned by the French regulatory authority for electronic communications, post and press distribution (Arcep), the Conseil général de l'économie (CGE) and, more recently, the Autorité de régulation de la communication audiovisuelle et numérique (Arcom). Conceived independently, these three surveys are based on sometimes divergent methodological biases, and offer different measures of digital remoteness. However, three main categories of indicator emerge from these surveys to measure digital distance: equipment (physical distance to digital), usage and skills. Each has a number of limitations. With regard to the equipment approach, analysis of the most recent surveys highlights the ubiquity of equipment, including Internet connections, in French society. This widespread availability limits the interest in focusing on the issue of distance from the digital world through this prism (even if difficulties of access to equipment are clearly a brake on digital practices). The usage-based approach, on the other hand, is hampered by the rapid evolution of usage possibilities as a result of the spread of new technologies, as demonstrated by the adoption of instant messaging on cell phones and video calls in recent years. Finally, the skills-based approach is traditionally based on a restrictive logic of digital distance, associated with well-defined nomenclatures that sometimes lack nuance.An alternative approach, capable of overcoming these limitations, would be to question subjective variables. For example, an individual's declared sense of competence would provide the basis for a much broader vision of the quantification of digital remoteness.Proposal to update the number of digital outsidersIn order to reflect the diversity of situations and practices, a two-stage approach to quantifying digital remoteness may be considered:In terms of usage, not being an Internet user is the primary measure of distance from the digital world. The latest edition of the Digital Barometer (2022) provides an update on this measure: 8.8% of the population aged 18 and over are currently non-Internet users in France (i.e. 4.5 million people).Next, it is proposed to use an indicator based on the ease felt in carrying out digital tasks to construct one or more groups of Internet users who are more or less distant from digital technology. This subjective measure makes it possible to describe the difficulties faced by certain populations, even though they use digital tools. In 2022, according to data from the Digital Barometer, 22.9% of Internet users (or 11.5 million people) would not feel competent in using the Internet.According to this broad approach to digital distance, 31.5% of the population aged 18 and over living in mainland France (or 16 million people) are currently digitally isolated.Digital distance, a social phenomenonAs we have just seen, while there are several definitions of digital remoteness, each representing a different dimension of the phenomenon, it is important to move away from any binary vision of inclusion and exclusion, which has the major drawback of making the diversity of situations and practices invisible. In this respect, the concept of digital capabilities (see above) is enlightening, as it focuses on the ability of individuals to benefit from digital technologies. Moreover, this vision, which is better able to take into account the contexts in which the various forms of digital remoteness take place, enables us to put the issue of digital inclusion back on its social footing, since the enabling or disabling nature of digital technologies is in reality largely conditioned by people's living conditions. In particular, we need to take better account of people's cultural capital (particularly their level of education) and digital capital, which analysis shows to be central both to their relationship with technology and to the development of differentiated digital practices. With this in mind, it is also important to relativize the relevance of an overly general assessment of the number of people who have lost touch with the digital world. In fact, rather than looking for a precise figure for the number of digital outsiders, which seems meaningless, it would be preferable to represent the phenomenon in the form of a halo, enabling us to consider individuals as more or less remote from the digital world, depending on their subjective needs and expectations.Thus, digital distance can no longer be considered as a simple technical or quantitative issue : it is primarily a social phenomenon. Taking this phenomenon into account in its complexity and heterogeneity opens up important perspectives for the construction of digital inclusion policies that are differentiated according to the public and the territories.

• Inclusion

• Large surveys

Published on 26/04/23



French digital society: digital mediation professionals face the challenge of digital remoteness

ForewordIn 2021, the Digital Society Program of the French National Agency for Territorial Cohesion (ANCT), has launched a consultation for the production of a series of studies on the state of the art of the French digital society. It is within this framework that the Centre de recherche pour l'étude et l'observation des conditions de vie (CREDOC) and the Centre de recherche sur l'éducation, les apprentissages et la didactique (CREAD), associated with the GIS M@rsouin, are carrying out a diagnostic and analytical work that is giving rise to a series of thematic reports. The first edition, published in April 2023, focused on defining and measuring the phenomenon of digital distance. The second edition of this series of studies follows on from the first, focusing on professionals in the digital meditation sector. This article presents a summary of the latest study.To quote the study :ANCT, CREDOC, Université Rennes 2 CREAD-M@rsouin, La société numérique française: les professionnels de la médiation numérique au défi de l'éloignement numérique, 2025. Study documents Growing need for digital support for the populationThe rise of digital technologies has brought about a major transformation of activities and processes in our societies over the last twenty years. The persistence of socionumeric inequalities despite the massive spread of digital infrastructures and equipment, and the presence of highly heterogeneous digital practices within the French population, have been strongly highlighted by the progressive digitization of all activities and processes in everyday life. Since the late 1990s, this observation has been accompanied by the introduction of various subsidized employment schemes: "youth jobs" at the end of the 1990s, then the "2,000 jobs for the future in digital public spaces" program in 2012, and more recently the "Digital Advisors" scheme, announced in November 2020, based on the recruitment and training of 4,000 digital mediators in a wide variety of structures (public and private). These successive initiatives reflect a response to the population's growing need for digital support, and have also contributed to a gradual and sometimes imprecise redefinition of the missions assigned to digital mediators, in a context of ongoing professionalization.Digital mediation for the appropriation of technologies and the acquisition of a digital cultureA professional field rooted in popular educationDigital mediation, like other forms of mediation linked to adult education, has a strong link with popular education, which is concerned with civil and civic training. It is within the framework of popular education that mediation applied to the field of digital technologies has developed, advocating the dissemination of a technical culture defined as a minimum of knowledge and know-how enabling individuals to "reappropriate" technologies. The aim is to positively influence the appropriation of technologies by different audiences (i.e., the process by which an individual integrates a technical device into his or her practice, adapting it to his or her culture, needs and values), and thus enable their empowerment by taking into account the contexts of use as well as the socio-cultural characteristics of individuals.There are professionals specifically trained and qualified as "mediators", for whom mediation is their core business and expertise, while other professionals (or even volunteers) engage in mediation activities with no real specific skills in terms of their initial training, and which are just another activity in their daily lives.The current digital mediation landscapeIn this context of multifaceted digital mediation and mosaics of players, ANCT's Digital Society Program plays a central role in identifying digital mediation professionals and venues. Based on its collaborative mapping work, 13,203 digital mediation venues were listed in November 2024, mostly in mainland France, with strong regional differences: the regions of Nouvelle-Aquitaine, Hauts-de-France, Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes and, within the overseas departments, Réunion and Guadeloupe, have the highest number of digital mediation venues per inhabitant. Interestingly, 80% of the French population has at least one professional digital mediation center in or near their commune (67% of French metropolitans have a mediation center in their own commune, 13% can reach a mediation center in less than seven minutes by road). However, 20% have to drive 7 minutes or more to get there. Non-internet users, in particular, are more likely to live some distance from these services, with only 51% having local access. The analysis carried out on the basis of cartography does not include locations providing assistance exclusively in completing administrative procedures online. Indeed, while these places can help identify and direct people in difficulty towards digital mediation services, the help they provide is not part of a process of appropriating digital technologies.Digital mediation: a test of professionalismThe dematerialization of administrative procedures at the crossroads of several professional groupsThe dematerialization (or digitization) of administrative procedures has established itself as a new public service standard (the "Action publique 2022" plan aimed to dematerialize all administrative procedures by 2022). In cases where this digitization has replaced other channels of access to the administration (counter, postal service, telephone line), it implies an "obligation of connectivity" for citizens in the context of the administrative relationship. While the digitized relationship with the administration and public services has simplified procedures for certain sections of the public, it has not benefited all categories of the population, confronting some of them with complex digital and, above all, administrative practices, which can go so far as to fuel the phenomenon of non-use of rights. It is also interesting to note that the process of dematerializing administrative procedures has helped to blur the boundaries between professional groups: digital mediators, social workers and administrative mediators.Impact on digital mediatorsIn order to meet the growing demand for support in digital administrative relations, often characterized by the social urgency of applicants, digital mediators are sometimes obliged to provide administrative support, the nature and volume of which vary according to the audience and location. As a result, many digital mediators are confronted with administrative procedures for which they are not trained, have no specific resources at their disposal, and have no contacts in public administrations. This situation, marked by a certain vagueness, sometimes leads them to do things "in the place" of the people they assist, for want of anything else to do, to the detriment of the emancipatory approach inherent in digital mediation. In this respect, requests to digital mediators for support in carrying out administrative procedures online generally constitute a " test of professionalism " for the latter, by putting into tension what they consider they should be doing and what they are actually doing.Impact on social workersThe dematerialization of the relationship with the administration for access to social rights is also leading to a reconfiguration of social work. Some social workers see dematerialization as a source of problems not only for their beneficiaries, but also for themselves, by causing both a de-skilling of their social mediation missions and an additional workload. In this respect, the unease expressed by social workers is reinforced by the fact that, like digital mediators, they often have to act in the absence of a clear mandate. Some studies show that not all professionals in the social sector are involved in digital support, and some exclude digital uses from their field of intervention. These professional postures depend on contextual variables such as working conditions and workload, and individual variables relating to their levels of digital competence, as well as their conception of the profession.Impact on administrative mediatorsAdministrative mediators, often represented by reception staff at shared access points to public services such as Espace France Services, are now directly involved in helping people complete administrative procedures, particularly online. This type of administrative mediation seems to be evolving from a reception and guidance function to one of assisting users with their online procedures, once again confronting professionals with a reconfiguration of their activity. In contrast to digital mediators and social workers, this change seems to be viewed positively by the administrative staff concerned, as a "revalorization of counter work" that has traditionally been depreciated. Invested with an institutionally-recognized mission to assist with administrative procedures, and insofar as they benefit from training that enables them to familiarize themselves with administrative procedures and interfaces, access point agents are much better equipped and trained than digital mediators or social workers to help people with their administrative procedures. They can also interact more easily with the various organizations concerned, thanks to privileged access. What's more, these administrative mediation professionals are also more familiar with existing solutions for dealing with the ethical and legal issues involved in supporting online administrative procedures (privacy, consent and establishing responsibilities).A necessary link between digital mediation and administrative mediationBy disintermediating the citizen-administration relationship, the digitization of administrative procedures requires not only physical access to the Internet and certain technical skills, but also, and above all, a mastery of language, writing and, more broadly, administrative procedures. Thus, in this context, the subject of access to rights relies on a "practical sense of administration", i.e. on a set of administrative skills that are not initially linked to digital technology (identifying the right contact, translating one's situation into administrative categories, identifying the status of documents, reporting a possible problem, etc.). What's more, according to the Baromètre du numérique 2022, it's interesting to note that one in two French people claim to experience difficulties in carrying out online procedures. This high proportion suggests that we need to think about the impact of dematerializing administrative procedures beyond the technological question, in relation to people's digital skills. However, this does not rule out the possibility that dematerialization may confront certain sections of the public with complex digital practices.In line with the above-mentioned professional reconfigurations, these factors suggest that support for online administrative procedures should be based on the right balance between digital mediation and administrative mediation. The complementary nature of the work carried out by these professionals appears to be a key factor in avoiding the burden and responsibility for the smooth running of administrative procedures being shifted onto individuals.State of knowledge of digital mediation facilitiesWhatever the difficulty encountered, whether digital and/or administrative, a majority of French people ( 52%) say they know of at least one digital mediation point. The places that are most firmly rooted in the local landscape (town halls, media libraries and libraries) are the best known. Non-internet users who are farthest from the digital world are better informed about the existence of these places than Internet users who have difficulties with the digital world, probably due to their socio-demographic profile and greater dependence on Internet access points. Geographical proximity to a place of digital mediation influences not only knowledge but also the diversity of the types of places known. Living in a commune where there is a digital mediation center boosts awareness of the various places where digital help can be obtained, and encourages people to perceive personal assistance in a dedicated place as a solution when digital difficulties arise. For Internet users who feel they have not fully mastered the digital world, living in a commune with a digital mediation center encourages the identification of personal support or a group course as the most suitable way to improve their mastery of digital tools.Enabling environments to support professional development in digital mediationA professional sector to be structuredAgainst a backdrop of digitization of society and persistent digital inequalities, if the job of providing support for digital uses with a view to digital and social inclusion is of prime importance, the question of support and training for digital mediation players themselves is particularly central. As Denouël and Granjon (2023) point out, "Digital mediators today need, in their initial and "lifelong" training, to acquire multidisciplinary knowledge enabling them to carry out an ever broader and more varied set of tasks that are evolving as the various spheres of activity become increasingly technologized". This need echoes the objectives formulated in the roadmap for the national digital inclusion policy 2023-2027 (France Numérique Ensemble) aimed, in particular, at structuring the industry of digital mediation players and developing training.Towards an empowering work environmentNumerous studies of adult training now tend to show that the development of skills is in fact the result of an articulation between the individual's internal resources and external resources linked to the work environment. The capability approach opens up important perspectives for understanding the way in which individuals are enabled (or not), in a given organization and work context, to seize and use the resources present in their environment and acquire new skills. The work environment can indeed foster professional development by activating a number of levers, such as :work content: by varying the activities, allowing time for reflexivity and analysis of one's practice, or offering to confront situations corresponding to the individual's zone of proximal development;the way work is organized: this can help develop skills such as cooperative practices, initiative-taking and freedom of action, the possibility of mentoring new arrivals, and participation in work groups;human resources management and training: by facilitating access to training in order to build capacity for action.Meeting the needs of digital mediators to tackle digital inequalitiesTo meet the challenge of the social phenomenon of digital remoteness, we first need to identify the specific needs of digital mediators, by working with them to identify their needs in their local areas. In particular, we need to meet the initial and lifelong training needs of these professionals, based on multi-disciplinary training that will enable them to carry out a wide and varied range of tasks. At the same time, a clarification of roles and tasks between the various mediation and social support professionals could also be envisaged. In this respect, the core business of digital mediators, rooted in popular education, is to encourage users to engage in a reflexive process of appropriating digital technologies and acquiring a digital culture. Administrative mediators, on the other hand, appear to be better equipped to provide more ad hoc assistance with online administrative relations. This differentiation should be accompanied by networking between the various players, including social workers, as they are often part of the same territorial ecosystem. Such networking would appear to be a prerequisite for the activation of capacity-building dynamics adapted to the specific features of the territory in which they operate, in the interests of local digital mediation.

• Inclusion

• Large surveys

Published on 04/03/25



Digital Barometer 2024: the main results

A benchmark study led by Arcep, CGE, Arcom and ANCTInitiated in 2000, the objectives of this study are to:measure the adoption of digital equipment by the French and study digital practices;detect inequalities in access and skills, whether voluntary or involuntary;enable public authorities to anticipate major trends and implement a policy that encourages everyone to embrace digital technology.In 2024, the survey was carried out from July 5 to August 6, 2024 among 4,066 people residing in mainland France, divided into three distinct target populations (12 to 17 years old, 18 years old and over, 18 years old and over far from digital), with adapted questionnaires and specific quotas, and thanks to two types of collection:Online: 3,257 people aged 18 and over were interviewed in the living conditions survey (CDV). In addition, 208 people aged 12 to 17 were interviewed with the prior consent of one of their parents.By telephone: 601 people aged 18 and over referred to in the report as "digital outsiders" (i.e. not having a fixed Internet connection at home) were interviewed using quotas drawn from the Insee ICT survey.The questionnaire and approach are adapted for minors.Results are adjusted and representative of the entire population aged 12 and over.Open dataAll survey data since 2007 is available as open data on the website data.gouv.fr.Digital Barometer 2024 documents The French, ever more Internet usersInternet users, whatever their connection mode, have never been so numerous: 94% of those aged 12 and over now connect to the Internet (+3 points compared with 2023), and 82% do so every day. Smartphones are the most widespread digital equipment: 91% of the population own one, ahead of computers (89%) and tablets (54%). Its adoption by 12-17 year-olds is almost systematic (96%), and those aged 70 and over are increasingly equipped with one (70%, +8 points in one year). Ownership of smartphones compatible with the 5G network, in particular, has accelerated (+13 points in one year to reach 44% ownership among the population as a whole). Connected speakers are also attracting growing interest: 33% of the population have a connected speaker (+4 points in one year). More generally, over the past few years, connected objects have become increasingly widespread among the population, whether in the fields of health, security, home automation or household appliances. By 2024, 40% of the population will own at least one of these objects.The spread of fiber throughout the country is keeping pace with connectivity needs: of the 84% of people with a fixed Internet connection at home in 2024, 75% had a subscription using fiber or cable technology, whereas copper (DSL) was still in the majority four years earlier, in 2020. The year 2024 also saw a sharp rise in the number of fiber optic subscribers in less densely populated communities with fewer than 20,000 inhabitants. This rate now stands at 69%, close to that of the population as a whole. Mobile networks are also increasingly used as the main connection mode, especially among younger people: 19% of 18-24 year olds (+9 points compared to 2020) and 15% of 25-39 year olds (+7 points compared to 2020) use their mobile connection exclusively to use the Internet. In terms of usage, too, smartphones are at the forefront of digital practices: 80% of the population use a cell phone or smartphone on a daily basis, an increase of 4 points in one year. Over the same period, daily computer use has fallen back slightly (55%, -3 points), with tablets still less widely used (22%, -1 point).While young people aged 12-17 have been using their smartphones on a daily basis for many years, around nine out of ten people over 70 are also increasingly connected. In 2024, almost two-thirds of them used their smartphones on a daily basis. This compares with less than four in ten in 2017. However, they spend far fewer hours online: 56% of 18-24 year-olds say they spend more than 2 hours a day online, compared with 19% of those aged 70 and over. All mobile uses are on the increase: 89% of respondents use their smartphone to surf the web (+4 points in one year), 85% to send messages via instant messaging applications (+5 points), 78% to make phone calls via applications (+4 points), and just as many to download applications (78%, +6 points). What's more, 28% of smartphone owners say they use their device for contactless payments, particularly the 18-24 age group (49%). The spread of Internet uses and associated services is raising new challenges. The Digital Market Act (DMA), which came into force throughout the European Union on March 6, 2024, aims to ensure fair and open digital markets. While 82% of smartphone owners most often use the browser offered by the default OS, four months after this regulation came into force, a quarter of users who were aware of this regulatory provision changed their browser.For some services, such as online cloud storage, the choice of host is also often made by default. Thus, among the 50% of users of these services, 41% of free cloud users and 25% of those using a paid service declare that they have chosen the option offered by default (for example, integrated into their operating system or other associated services).Consumption of live TV and audio content via the TV set and radio is in the majority, with the development of online and time-shifted uses, particularly among younger audiences.In 2024, the French remain very attached to television. While multi-equipment is on the decline, more than 9 out of 10 (94%) of them own at least one TV set, and 92% watch TV programs, most often on a TV set (87%). On the other hand, while young people still consume television programs, they make greater use of other digital screens to watch them: almost half of 18-24 year-olds most often use a computer, tablet or smartphone.On the whole, when viewing is done on a smartphone, computer or tablet, it's above all to be able to watch programs at the desired time (42% of first responses), or on the move, for example on public transport or while traveling (19%).Generally speaking, the majority of TV channel viewers watch their programs live (91% on average for all programs, with a range from 80% for 18-24 year-olds to 98% for those aged 70 and over), whatever the type of program. However, with the technical possibilities offered by the rise of connected TV and digitization in general, 43% of viewers watch at least one type of program on a delayed basis, and in particular films, series and music programs. Overall, this type of viewing is adopted more by younger viewers: 72% of 18-24 year-olds declare replay consumption, a share that drops to 25% among those aged 70 and over. The medium used also has a strong influence on viewing habits. Indeed, consumers of TV programs on computers and smartphones are more likely to access delayed content than live content, and while live viewing is more systematic for TV users, 47% of those equipped with smart TV say they use delayed viewing. Finally, the development of time-shifted viewing is accompanied by the adoption of video-on-demand (VOD) services. Ten years after the arrival of the first platforms, in 2024, 56% of people aged 12 and over claim to have at least one VOD subscription, which may include several accounts enabling them to watch series or films on several simultaneously. Radio and audio content habits are also evolving in line with the digitization of society, and Internet listening is on the increase. Nearly a third (30%) of radio and audio content listeners now prefer to listen via the Internet - an increase of 4 points in one year - and 12% listen to their programs via both the terrestrial network and the Internet. Two-thirds of Internet listeners are mainly motivated by practical reasons: 65% mention a reason relating to the possibility of listening to the radio or audio content at the desired time (time-shifted, on-demand), at the desired location (on public transport, on foot, at work) or on the desired equipment(smartphone, tablet, computer).As with television, whatever the type of program, live listening is the most popular: 85% of listeners watch at least one program live, compared to 19% who watch it on a delayed basis, and 29% who watch it live or on a delayed basis via an online audio or video platform such as Deezer, Spotify or YouTube. Delayed listening is particularly popular for programs, debates and reports (16%).An ambivalent relationship with digital technology, between intensive connection and the desire to disconnectThe uses of the Internet are numerous and widespread among the population: 75% of French people use it to look for travel itineraries, 67% use it to book medical appointments, 31% use it to defend causes, for example in the form of petitions, 29% use it to look for accommodation to rent or buy, and just as many (29%) use it to look for jobs.Online administrative procedures have become common practice for a large majority of the French population. In 2024, 73% of French people have carried out an administrative procedure on the Internet in the last twelve months, marking a 2-point increase on 2022. These procedures are on the rise among older people (50%, +7 points among the over-70s), but on the decline among younger people (45%, -6 points among 12 to 17 year-olds).After a decline in 2023, online purchases of non-food goods rose again in 2024, returning to the levels seen in 2022. 77% of the French population made an online purchase (+4 points in one year). All categories of the population are concerned, with the exception of 18-24 year-olds, who are harder hit by inflation (69% of purchases made by this age group in 2024 versus 82% in 2022).Clothing is particularly well-suited to online purchasing: 56% of French people have bought clothing over the Internet, ahead of books and music (40%), for which the number of digital purchases has soared since 2006 (+26 points) with the rise of subscription platforms.Services and food products are also attractive: 38% have made hotel or vacation rental reservations over the Internet, 33% have ordered train or plane tickets, and 33% have purchased food products.Internet consumption practices also concern second-hand goods: 52% have made less than one purchase or sale in the last twelve months on websites specializing in second-hand goods.Another key use of the Internet is the growing daily use of social networks: 75% of Internet users consult a social network at least once a day (+3 points in one year). Consultation of these social networks is often more passive than active. 62% of social network users read content and comments posted by others every day, but only 29% share or comment on content created by others on a daily basis. One in five (19%) publish content they've created themselves (texts, videos, photos...) every day. Disparities by age are significant: only 45% of those aged 70 and over publish personal content on social networks, whether every day or less often, compared with 76% of 12-17 year-olds. As a result of these multiple uses, 41% of the population claim to spend more than three hours a day in front of screens for personal use, with half of them (20% of the population) spending more than 5 hours a day. This use of screens goes hand in hand with the feeling of spending too much time on them. More than four out of ten people say they spend too much time on them. What's more, the feeling that screens are used too intensively increases with their use. In fact, 57% of people who say they watch screens for more than 5 hours a day consider that they spend too much time on them, as do 45% of people who spend between 3 and 5 hours on them, compared with a quarter (25%) of those who spend 2 hours a day or less. Generally speaking, 65% of the population prefers to carry out an activity in their daily lives in person, rather than online. 82%, for example, prefer to store in-store for their groceries, and 64% for their clothes.What's more, 85% of French people prefer to meet people in person in places where they live, rather than on the Internet, which seems to be becoming a more targeted social space than in the past. As a result, the number of French people who have used the internet to meet up with old acquaintances (39%, -11 points) and to establish links with new people (34%, -10 points) is down sharply on 2019. The only exception is socializing for romantic purposes, which has risen from 15% in 2019 to 19% in 2024.Concern about the lack of protection for personal data, which had fallen considerably since 2019, has risen by 13 points in the space of a year (33%). This resurgence could be explained by the emergence of new technologies, such as artificial intelligence, which raise the question of data management in new ways. And indeed, mistrust of artificial intelligence remains in the majority (56%). The risks of job destruction (62%) and the negative consequences for artistic creation (53%) are the two reasons for concern most frequently associated with the development of artificial intelligence, closely followed by damage to the environment (increased consumption of resources), sustainable development (48%) or fears of impacts on education and training (47%).The use of artificial intelligence tools is growing strongly: 33% of French people have already used them in 2024, compared with 20% in 2023. Use in the context of private life dominates (26%, +10 points in one year), and just exceeds that linked to professional life (22%, also +10 points over the same period). Mistrust of these artificial intelligence tools decreases with personal use: only 26% of people who have already used one of these tools are mistrustful of artificial intelligence (vs. 71% of those who have never used one), suggesting a greater acceptance of these tools in the future. Environment: digital technology and users' economic and ecological choicesTo limit the growth in the environmental impact of digital technology, as estimated in a joint study by ADEME and Arcep, a number of recommendations have been made, such as choosing more virtuous devices and uses, limiting the number of devices owned, and extending their useful life.In 2024, households owned an average of 9.6 digital devices with screens, of which 1.8 were unused and could be recycled or sold. The decline in the number of digital devices with screens recorded is significant: -0.7 devices per household in one year. This drop mainly concerns unused devices. In 2024, 19 out of every 100 digital devices with screens owned by households were unused (versus 23 a year earlier). Unused smartphones, for example, are mostly kept: 52% of respondents say they have kept their old smartphone, while 26% have given it away or sold it, and 20% have disposed of it for recycling. Although recycling is still a minority practice, the proportion of the population using it will increase in 2024: +5 points compared to 2023.Another interesting development is that smartphone owners seem more inclined to keep their devices for longer. By 2024, more than a quarter of all smartphone owners had held their device for three years or more, up from 16% four years earlier. Age is the main factor influencing length of ownership: naturally, younger people own very recent devices. Those aged 60 and over, on the other hand, do not hesitate to keep them for longer (43% of those aged 70 and over have held them for more than three years, compared with 27% of all those equipped on average, and 14% of 18-24 year-olds). We also note that, between 2020 and 2024, smartphone replacements are made more out of necessity (70%, +8 points) and less often as a "pleasure" purchase (21%, -4 points). However, this trend is taking place against a backdrop of pressure on household purchasing power, which may explain these movements. The anti-waste law for a circular economy (Loi AGEC), adopted in February 2020, aims to transform the economic model by promoting the circular economy and reducing waste. One of the main thrusts of the AGEC law is to better inform consumers. As such, internet and telephony operators are now obliged to inform their customers about the carbon footprint of their digital data consumption. This measure came into force on January 1, 2022.When asked about their awareness of these new provisions, the majority of people with a fixed Internet connection (62%) are unaware that their operator provides them with information on the carbon impact of their consumption. What's more, around a third of those informed either don't consult this data at all, or do so only very rarely. Finally, of those who are aware of this information, just over half - 14% of all people aged 18 and over with a fixed Internet connection at home - say it encourages them to limit their data consumption. The same applies to mobile subscribers. In fact, limiting data consumption is rarely identified as a lever for reducing the environmental footprint of digital technology: in 2023, 20% of the population aged 12 and over with a fixed home internet connection considered limiting their data consumption on mobile networks as one of the three most effective uses, and only 13% mentioned limiting their data consumption on fixed networks.For the time being, while legislation is being complied with and operators are effectively communicating this information, a great deal of public information and awareness-raising remains to be done to ensure that the public is aware that this information exists, and that they take note of it so that they can act accordingly, ultimatelywill be encouraged to modify their practices and thus their consumption. Digital appropriation: despite a more comfortable French population, persistent obstacles to digital use and a desire for support to remedy difficultiesThe impact of digital technology on French people's lives is highly dependent on socio-cultural context. Overall, two-thirds of French people (67%) believe that digital technology makes their daily lives easier (up 4 points on 2023). However, the proportion is completely reversed for French people with no qualifications: almost 60% of them believe that digital technology complicates or has no effect on their daily lives. While the use of digital technology is widespread, almost two-thirds (65%) of people feel apprehensive about using the Internet and digital tools. First and foremost, the French fear inappropriate use of their personal data (28%), followed by scams, fraud and harassment (19%). Moreover, the lack of protection for personal data is the main obstacle to using the Internet, affecting a third of respondents, an increase of 13 points compared to 2023, whereas this rate has been declining in recent years. In addition, the French also fear making mistakes (9%) or lack confidence in their digital skills. Contrary to preconceived ideas that younger people, as "digital natives", are all totally at ease with new digital technologies, young adults (18-24) are actually the most worried about digital use, with 76% feeling at least one fear. A large proportion of the population reports various obstacles to full use of digital tools, but this proportion is significantly reduced for the first time since 2022. Whereas in 2022, 48% of the population surveyed were hindered in their full use of digital tools (45% in 2023), only 36% of the population is concerned in 2024. The feeling of not having sufficient mastery of IT tools to be able to use them fully remains the main obstacle to full use of digital technology in the French population (20%). Over and above the barriers to digital use experienced by the French, almost one in two French people limits their digital use, in particular for financial reasons linked to the cost of equipment and/or Internet subscriptions (20%). It's interesting to note that limits to digital use are highly dependent on the situation of Internet use. Indeed, almost 80% of French non-internet users limit their digital usage, mainly out of disinterest or rejection of digital technology (59% and 51% respectively). This last result invites us to go beyond a vision of digital inclusion that would be centered on the sole objective of connection for all, to focus more on the perceived potential and results obtained by individuals in their digital uses.Another major difficulty encountered when using the Internet: online administrative procedures. Nearly one French person in two (44%) encounters difficulties in carrying out administrative procedures online. However, it is interesting to note that the main difficulties cited by the French are not related to their digital skills (11%), but more to the effects of the disintermediation of the citizen-administration relationship produced by dematerialization (47%). More precisely, when they encounter difficulties with their online procedures, the French give priority to fear of making a mistake (18%), lack of understanding of what they are being asked to do (13%) or poor design of the website (16%). Indeed, direct contact with the authorities, via the Internet, requires individuals to master the language and procedures of the administration in particular. Thus, to carry out this type of online procedure, administrative skills that are not initially linked to digital technology are required. In this context, it is interesting to note that young adults (aged 18-24) are by far the most likely to experience difficulties in carrying out administrative procedures online (69% encounter at least one difficulty). Faced with these difficulties of use, almost a third of French people (32%) would like to benefit from free digital learning support, and 10% have already benefited from such support (mainly in an association or at home). In other words, almost one French person in two would like to see a public digital mediation service to help them get to grips with digital technologies. In line with this learning approach, 8 out of 10 French people have never assessed their digital skills. Internet protection: young Internet users are the most active online, but also the most informedNearly four out of ten people (38%) see no specific obstacles to using the Internet. After peaking at 43% in 2023, this proportion will return to the level observed before the health crisis.Limiting disincentives to Internet use also involves raising awareness of best practices and the use of protection tools.Users of social networks and video-sharing platforms are only partially using the tools made available to them by the platforms: 41% say they have read the T&Cs (and this proportion is down from 47% last year), and only 44% have used a device to report an account or an inappropriate account (stable). These reporting mechanisms are judged to be easy to understand (80%), simple to use (83%) and easily accessible (84%), up 3 points on the previous year. The main reason for non-reporting is the absence of inappropriate accounts or content (59%). However, more than one in five (22%) who have never reported are in some way prevented from doing so, either through ignorance of the system, or fear that it will be used against them.It's worth noting that young adults (18-24), who are among the most likely to use social networks and video-sharing platforms on a daily basis, are by far the most knowledgeable about these tools: 68% of them have consulted Terms of Use, and 77% have used a reporting system. For example, 65% of 18-24 year-olds who have consulted CGU found them useful, compared with 41% of those aged 70 and over, and 85% found them accessible, compared with 65% of those aged 70 and over.The use of digital technology continues to spread in France, but inequalities persist in terms of skills and appropriation of tools. To meet these challenges, support, regulation and a transition to a more sustainable digital environment are priorities.

• Data

• Inclusion

• Citizenship

• Innovation

• Large surveys

• Environment

Published on 20/03/25